Tag: save our super

Bill Shorten: Press Club Q and A – Canberra – 24 August 2016

SUBJECT/S: Superannuation…

JOURNALIST: Hi Mr Shorten, Phil Coorey from the Fin Review. Thanks for your speech. Just on super, and just at the end of your speech where you announced – you offered Scott Morrison a way through on a couple of things and so forth. I’ll just take you back, when you were Minister in charge of this area you proposed some changes to super and at the same time you said that should be it and we should leave super from here onwards in the hands of some independent guardians, and then a couple of years ago Mr Bowen, your Shadow Treasurer, was here, he announced a couple of changes that you took to the election, and then again you proposed not touching super, only every five years and having it overseen independently. Now we’ve got the Government still trying to finalise its policy, you’re offering more changes to try to get them through. Are we kidding ourselves to think that superannuation is just not going to become a punching bag between now and whenever the economy gets back on a strong footing, we don’t need to see it as a source of revenue?

SHORTEN: We certainly think that superannuation policy going forward should be a lot more transparent and a lot more generational in decision making. That’s why we like the idea of a Reserve Bank-style of policy making in superannuation which would report to the Parliament its proposed policies and its changes. But there’s no doubt that the system of tax concessions is not sustainable in its current form, and initially when we said that I think the Liberals sort of rubbished us. But then to my surprise they came up with some almost Chavez-like measures last Budget. Only four months ago, doesn’t time fly?

There’s no way Phil, I could have predicted that this Government would embrace the principle of retrospectivity. The last time I think we saw that was in bottom of the harbour tax schemes. The truth of the matter is that they’ve made such a hash of superannuation. And don’t take my word for it. Just take it from every backbencher who briefs you off the record, and some on the record. This retrospectivity has cast the whole system into confusion. Now, I get that a standard response might be to say ‘well the people affected by retrospectivity are relatively very well off’. The problem is it destabilises the whole system. Retrospectivity undermines everyone’s confidence in superannuation. So Phil, I couldn’t have predicted that the Liberal Party of Howard would then turn into the sort of retrospective law makers of Turnbull and Morrison, and really, you know and I know and certainly I occasionally read the editorials in your paper – the David Rowe cartoon is always good – you know, they, your paper is fulminating against retrospectivity. So something’s got to give here. We’ve got to fix this.

They have got themselves into a dreadful hash. What I find amazing is that the Liberal solution is, you know, do they tackle retrospectivity which they – they don’t want to admit they’re wrong, but then they’re proposing that you should have a million dollars. Then you’ve got Scott Morrison saying he couldn’t in all conscience tell his kids he’d agree to have $1 million in terms of – with the favourable treatment. I agree with him on that. But in all conscience, we can’t tell people that they’ve invested under one set of laws, can we, and the goal posts get changed between and people have invested in good faith? So, this is a mess of the Government’s making. We’ll help fix up their retrospectivity and we’ve also proposed sensible ways to make sure that our superannuation tax concession scheme is sustainable.

 

JOURNALIST: Mr Shorten, just on your super position that you articulated today, is that it? I just wanted to clarify is this your final position on super? Will you then vote against what the Government puts to Parliament unless they change some change?

SHORTEN: We hope that the Government actually sits down and talks to us about this, full stop. It should be it. I can’t predict what this Government is going to produce, though. If we had had a sporting bet about the Government going down the path of retrospective legislation, could I have got any takers for it? You couldn’t get odds on it. You will probably get better odds for Giles getting elected in the Northern Territory. That is the fact of the matter. So I can’t predict what is in the minds of the Government. But what I say to them is this, superannuants, not just the people affected, but everyone, are sick and tired of the system being mucked about with. But this retrospectivity issue is very destabilising, it is not a matter about the amount of money, there is a principal going on there. We’ve come up with a solution and we have improved the Budget bottom line too. And we say to the Government and this is the thrust of today’s speech, on the things that we fair about like Medicare, well we are going to fight every day. But where we can get cooperation or negotiation we will do that too. And I think on superannuation, just like on the banking royal commission and if they could actually back down on their cuts to Medicare and if they could just, just get themselves off the hook they’re on in terms of this plebiscite. I think they would get a lift in respect of the public. It may not be in our short-term interest but it’s in the nations long-term interest and that is who I am.

Treasurer Scott Morrison’s taxing our nerves with his super fibs

The Australian

27 August 2016

Grace Collier Columnist Melbourne @MsGraceCollier

According to a Coalition insider, years ago our federal treasurer at the time, Peter Costello, completely “stuffed up” our superannuation system. Until recently, this theory was completely unknown to me, and probably is news to you, too. You may have thought, as I did, that Costello was the last competent treasurer this nation had.

In any case, we were all wrong; apparently Costello was an irresponsible galoot. And unless our stuffed superannuation system is fixed, Scott Morrison said on radio this week, he will find it pretty hard to look his “kids in the eye and tell them they’ve got to saddle a higher debt because someone who had a very big income wanted to pay less tax”.

This “someone” with a “very big income” who wants to “pay less tax” is how the Treasurer refers nowadays to self-funded retirees. Earlier this month, he told listeners of radio station 5AA there were 6000 of them with superannuation balances of more than $5 million. One might expect a Liberal politician to praise these people, hold them up as role models and publicly thank them for staying off the public purse. After all, they have done exactly what various governments through many years have wanted them to do, and none of us will have to lift a finger to support them.

But no, Morrison — who often sounds more like a socialist than those on the left of the Labor Party — spoke about these people as though they were selfish tax dodgers. If one picks up Morrison’s vibe, the existence of these 6000 people is evidence the superannuation system is stuffed and the reason we are in debt and on the cusp of losing our triple-A credit rating.

The nation’s debt is of no concern to many Australian adults. Would Morrison’s children really lie awake at night worrying about it? And is the amount of money Morrison is planning to collect from his superannuation “reforms” going to help much? After all, the net savings are a mere 0.16 per cent of total government receipts across the forward estimates.

Regardless, the Treasurer needn’t worry about what to say to the children. He can just do to them what he does to us: say any old thing, no matter how obviously untrue, over and over, like a commission-only sales rep. Come to think of it, Morrison could just tell his kids there is no public debt at all.

Thanks to the website saveoursuper.org.au, we can see what the Treasurer said just last year about how the government would never, ever do what he said Labor would do, which is exactly what the government is going to do now: tax the income from people’s superannuation savings accounts.

Radio 3AW, June 19 last year: “Well, we do want to encourage everyone … to be saving for their retirement and … we don’t want to tax you, like (Labor’s treasury spokesman) Chris Bowen does.”

Radio 2GB, May 25 last year: “My own view is … I don’t want to tax people more when they’re basically investing for their own future … That’s why I think Chris Bowen’s idea … of … taxing superannuation incomes is a bad idea. I don’t support it.”

Question time, May 25 last year: “And when they get into their retirement, we are going to make sure that their hard-earned savings in their superannuation will not be the subject of the tax slug that those opposite want to impose, those opposite see it as a tax nest — a tax nest for those to plunder. What we will do for them is: we will not tax them.”

3AW, May 18, last year: “It’s the Labor Party who wants to tax superannuation, not the Liberal Party, particularly the incomes of superannuants …”

Doorstop, May 8 last year: “The government has made it crystal clear that we have no interest in increasing taxes on superannuation either now or in the future … unlike Labor, we are not coming after people’s superannuation.”

Press conference, May 7 last year: “What we are not going to do is we are not going to tax those savings like Bill Shorten wants to do. That is the difference, we will not tax your super, Bill Shorten will … we are not going to increase those taxes … nothing we have done with the Greens has in any way changed the government’s position on not taxing your super. We will not tax your super.”

ABC’s AM, May 5 last year: “What is not fair is if you save for your retirement and you create yourself a superannuation nest egg and the government then comes along and taxes that income, which is what Labor are proposing to do.”

3AW, May 1 last year: “The government does not support Labor’s proposal to tax superannuants more on the income they have generated for their retirement.”

For those on the other side of this debate and supportive of the government’s changes, remember this: people who aim to fund their own retirements are not angry about having to pay more tax. These people are well accustomed to paying for everyone else; they have done it all their lives. They are angry because they have been lied to by Morrison, and when he isn’t boasting about how he has caused the value of Australia’s largest pastoral company to plummet, he runs around the place insulting and degrading successful savers, the people he should be praising.

In my opinion the man is dangerous and not fit to be Treasurer. And the next election cannot come soon enough.

Economy silences free speech on super

The Australian

30 August 2016

David Crowe Political Correspondent

Liberal MPs are biding their time on their disputes with Malcolm Turnbull and Scott Morrison over free speech and superannuation tax hikes, deciding yesterday to avoid raising the divisive issues at a meeting where the economy took priority.

The government’s $6 billion increase in taxes on super went unremarked during the Coalition partyroom meeting yesterday despite fury about the changes among some of the government’s own supporters and a backbench push to soften the final reform.

The Treasurer assured MPs they would have a chance to discuss the super package before the next partyroom meeting, scheduled for September 12, but there were no deliberations yesterday in the full meeting or in earlier committee briefings.

The issue has been referred to the backbench committee on economics and finance, which is chaired by incoming NSW Nationals MP Andrew Gee with Queenslander Scott Buchholz as its secretary.

MPs are hoping to use the committee to water down a $500,000 lifetime cap on post-tax super contributions , with Liberal National Party senator Ian Macdonald warning that he had concerns over the “retrospective” measure because it would apply to savings accrued since July 2007.

LNP MP George Christensen has threatened to cross the floor if the super package is not changed while Victorian MP Jason Wood has called for the lifetime cap to be increased to $1 million.

The overall package raises taxes by $6bn and uses half of this to fund more concessions for lowpaid workers, while the remaining $3bn boosts the budget bottom line. Heavily amending the lifetime cap would sacrifice about $550m of the new revenue but MPs are trying to find an alternative saving.

While some MPs also want amendments to section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act on the agenda, arguing the law restricts free speech by putting sanctions on remarks that offend or insult, they are also waiting for another day to air their concerns.

Liberals have called 18C a fundamental problem that offends the party’s philosophy but nobody aired any concerns about the law in the partyroom yesterday.

The government’s $6 billion increase in taxes on super went unremarked during the Coalition partyroom meeting

Super reforms come at a cost

The Australian

27 August 2016

by Debra Cleveland

Treasurer Scott Morrison is already grappling with backbenchers opposed to the $500,000 as they believe it's retrospective.

With Parliament resuming next week, the battle lines over the Turnbull government’s proposed budget changes to superannuation are drawn. An offer from the Labor party – to accept the $500,000 lifetime cap on non-concessional (after-tax) contributions in return for other compromises – has been rejected, leaving Treasurer Scott Morrison to face two other fronts.

He’s already grappling with backbenchers opposed to the $500,000 cap as they say it’s retrospective (applying from July 1, 2007). And while the Greens will support a backdated $500,000 cap, they won’t back the higher $750,000 Morrison brought to the table as a compromise this month.

At stake are $6 billion in budget savings and $3 billion in new initiatives.

Morrison said in February key drivers of potential super reforms were stability and certainty, “especially in the retirement phase”. This week he added: “I stand by everything I said for the simple reason that the retirement phase remains tax-free. The retirement phase account, which under our proposal [will have] a transfer balance cap, will mean that 99 per cent of people who have balances less than $1.6 million will remain absolutely in exactly the same situation.”

There is deep anger among many retirees and savers who feel their plans have been scuppered even though they were following the rules.

Labor said this week it would accept the $500,000 lifetime cap on condition it was prospective (applying from budget night). Its solution to lost revenue was a suggestion to increase the pool of high earners paying 30 per cent (rather than 15 per cent) super contributions tax. It proposed the higher tax kick in for those earning $200,000 a year, not $250,000. It also wanted to ditch other measures including being able to contribute to super to age 75 without the work test, tax deductions for personal contributions and catch-up concessional (pre-tax) contributions.

No matter how the super deal is sliced and diced, the bottom line is that there will be fewer tax concessions and lower limits on how much savers can contribute to super.

Advisers say Australians have become far less confident in super as a savings vehicle thanks to constant political tinkering (on both sides of Parliament). Will Hamilton, CEO of Hamilton Wealth Management, says: “It has undermined confidence in the system.” Colin Lewis, senior manager strategic advice at Perpetual Private, agrees: “Constant changes have perpetuated the uncertainty of the super system.”

Deep anger

But both say super remains the most tax-effective investment vehicle around – even after the changes.

Labor said this week it would accept the $500,000 lifetime cap on condition it was prospective (applying from budget night).

There is, however, deep anger among many retirees and savers in the middle of complex super strategies who feel their plans have been scuppered even though they were following the rules.

Retiree Paul McCarthy says: “It should be forcefully rammed home, by all concerned with fairness, good policy and good politics, that only by making the $500,000 cap prospective will everyone be treated equally. Because individual after-tax contributions to super of up to $540,000 have been permissible, and because retirees over 60 have been able to freely withdraw unlimited lump sums and then contribute again, there will be many who have exceeded either of these proposed contribution caps while nevertheless still having total current balances well below them!

“So inherent unfairness arises from the retrospective counting of past contributions and the consequent blocking of investors’ future contributions, not from the size of any cap that the government chooses.”

Fellow retiree and retired actuary Nathan Potaznik adds: “The absence of grandfathering provisions is grossly unfair. It also stands in stark contrast to when the former Parliamentary Super scheme was closed to new members in 2004, with the then existing members continuing with the same benefits. It seems that grandfathering is just fine for parliamentarians but not for ordinary citizens.”

The key message to savers is to make the most of what you can do, and start early. The proposed concessional (pre-tax) contribution cap of $25,000 a year is lower than the current $30,000 for those under 50 and $35,000 for those 50 and over. The cap is indexed to wages growth, in $5000 increments. And the plan is that if you don’t make the full $25,000 contribution each year, you can “catch up” in later years.

Remember that the $1.6 million cap on the amount in pension phase where earnings are tax-free is per person. A couple could have $3.2 million in pension phase and pay no tax on earnings.

As Hamilton says: “Everyone’s focusing on being taxed on anything above $1.6 million in pension phase. But the tax is on the earnings on the excess, not the excess itself.” So if a couple had a combined $3.3 million in pension phase, they would face tax (a maximum 15 per cent) on earnings generated by the excess $100,000. They wouldn’t actually pay tax on the $100,000 itself. Lewis points out that thanks to franking credits, earnings tax is often more like 9 per cent, not 15 per cent.

The lifetime cap (whatever the final figure is) will curtail the ability of older Australians to make big top-up contributions to super. Putting more into super later once mortgage and school fee expenses decrease has been the traditional pattern. This will have to change, advisers say.

The new death tax – automatically reversionary pensions?

dbalawyers-logo

By: Daniel Butler, Director (dbutler@dbalawyers.com.au) and

William Fettes (wfettes@dbalawyers.com.au), DBA Lawyers

Introduction

The $1.6 million balance cap proposal adds another layer of complexity to understanding whether an automatically reversionary pension (‘ARP’) is still an appropriate SMSF succession planning strategy.

What is an ARP?

We refer to the term ARP and deliberately avoid the term ‘reversionary pension’ as a reversionary pension is generally a mere wish in relation to paying the pension to a nominated beneficiary. Under most SMSF deeds and pension documents, trustees retain a discretion to make a pension reversionary even though a member has nominated a reversionary beneficiary. Broadly, this has worked well over many years where a member separates with his or her spouse, as the last thing many deceased members would like happening is for their superannuation benefit to be paid to their former spouse.

In contrast, an ARP is a pension that must be paid to the nominated beneficiary without any exercise of discretion by the fund trustee. Special wording in an SMSF deed and pension documentation is required to ensure a pension is an ARP as discussed below. This is to abide by the ATO’s view in TR 2013/5 where the Commissioner states at [29]):

Death of a member

  1. A superannuation income stream ceases as soon as a member in receipt of the superannuation income stream dies, unless a dependant beneficiary of the deceased member is automatically entitled, under the governing rules of the superannuation fund or the rules of the superannuation income stream, to receive an income stream on the death of the member. If a dependant beneficiary of the deceased member is automatically entitled to receive the income stream upon the member’s death, the superannuation income stream continues.22

Moreover, the ATO elaborates on what constitutes ‘automatic’ for tax law purposes in TR 2013/5 at [126]:

  1. A superannuation income stream automatically transfers to a dependant beneficiary on the death of a member if the governing rules of the superannuation fund, or other rules governing the superannuation income stream, specify that this will occur. The rules must specify both the person to whom the benefit will become payable and that it will be paid in the form of a superannuation income stream. The rules may also specify a class of person (for example, spouse) to whom the benefit will become payable. It is not sufficient that a superannuation income stream becomes payable to a beneficiary of a deceased member only because of a discretion (or power) granted to the trustee by the governing rules of the superannuation fund. The discretion (or power) may relate to determining either who will receive the deceased member’s benefits, or the form in which the benefits will be payable.

Accordingly, if there is any discretion afforded to the fund trustee under the governing rules of the fund or the pension documentation in regard to paying a particular superannuation dependant or the payment method, the ATO will consider the pension ceases on death for tax law purposes. This can have important consequences for SMSF succession planning, including insurance payouts and the retention of other valuable concessions.

We turn now to consider some key areas where having an ARP in place can provide some advantages.

Insurance

For those SMSF members who do hold a life insurance policy in their SMSF, an ARP may be worthwhile if the following conditions are satisfied:

  • the SMSF member is likely to receive a sizeable insurance payout upon their death or permanent incapacity;
  • the relevant insurance policy premium is paid from the member’s pension account; and
  • the relevant pension account that serviced the insurance premiums is comprised of a high proportion of tax-free component.

Broadly, in these circumstances, when a life insurance payment is allocated to a member’s pension account, the payment will broadly take on the same proportion of the underlying taxable and tax-free components as the member’s pension.

Example:

If a deceased member commenced a pension entirely comprising tax-free component, and the insurance premiums were deducted from that member’s pension account, then the $1 million insurance proceeds paid to the SMSF on that member’s death and allocated to the deceased member’s pension account would constitute a 100% tax-free component. This could fund a tax free reversionary pension.

In contrast, if a deceased member’s pension ceased on death, any insurance proceeds that are subsequently paid into the fund would form part of member’s accumulation account and comprise a 100% taxable component.

Grandfathering of favourable income testing

Another area where ARPs may prove important is for the retention of concessions that relate to income testing.

For instance, the eligibility testing for the age pension provided by Centrelink or the Department of Veteran Affairs (‘DVA’) includes a more favourable income test for account-based pensions (‘ABP’) in place prior to 1 January 2015.

For ABPs that commenced prior to 1 January 2015, only the amount of pension withdrawn less a deductible amount (broadly, the deductible amount is the amount of the member’s pension account divided by their life expectancy) counts towards the income test. However, for ABPs commenced from 1 January 2015, the amount of the member’s pension account for an ABP is deemed to earn income at prescribed rates for the purposes of the income test (even though the member’s account balance has suffered a loss).

Where an ARP was in place prior to 1 January 2015, and thus the pension continues on the member’s death, the more favourable income testing regime for ABPs commenced is grandfathered for the reversionary pensioner.

Eligibility for the Commonwealth Seniors Health Card (‘CSHC’), which allows access to cheaper prescriptions via the pharmaceutical benefits scheme and provides certain other government funded medical services, may also be affected.

Prior to 1 January 2015, ABPs were not assessed for CSHC eligibility. However, since 1 January 2015, earnings on the assets supporting ABPs are assessed under the adjusted taxable income test. The income from the ABP will also be taken to have a deemed rate of return.

Having an ARP in place enables a reversionary pensioner to preserve the potentially favourable ‘grandfathered’ status for Centrelink, DVA and CSHC income testing in respect of ABPs that commenced prior to 1 January 2015. This allows, for instance, a surviving spouse to continue to be paid a pension following the death of their spouse, and therefore, continue the favourable income treatment of a pre-2015 ABP.

$1.6m balance cap

The $1.6 million balance cap proposal included in the May 2016 Federal Budget will limit the amount that a member can hold in retirement or pension phase from 1 July 2017. This will limit or cap the amount that obtains the exempt current pension income (‘ECPI’) exemption from tax in a fund. Broadly, from 1 July 2017 only earnings on assets capped at $1.6 million that support the fund’s liability to pay a pension will be tax-free. The balance cap proposal also allows earnings on the $1.6 million to obtain the ECPI exemption as there are no restrictions proposed to be placed on subsequent earnings on the $1.6 million balance cap amount, which will be allowed to be maintained in the fund.

While the draft legislation for the balance cap proposal has yet to be released (there may also be a chance that the start date of 1 July 2017 gets deferred for the systems to be implemented to cater for the wide spread changes relating to this measure), it does appear that this proposal will significantly impact SMSF succession planning.

This is because a death benefit pension (ie, an ARP on the death of a spouse) paid to a surviving spouse who has already utilised their $1.6 balance cap will likely result in additional tax payable. Additional tax is likely to arise through a requirement that the death benefit be paid as a lump sum on the spouse’s death as the surviving spouse already has used up their balance cap.

Alternatively, assuming the pension can revert under the proposal, then since the surviving spouse has already used up their balance cap, any further amount added to their member balance in superannuation could be subject to substantial tax. The $1.6 million balance cap has an excess balance transfer tax that applies when someone seeks to transfer an amount in excess of their balance cap to their retirement account. This tax is equivalent to 49% of the excess amount. If an ARP locks in a reversion, subject to what the finalised law provides, and an excess pension phase transfer occurs above the balance cap then the excess will be subject to penalty tax of 49%. Naturally, this would have a severe impact on SMSF succession planning for many couples.

If, however, there is no flexibility provided under the proposed legislation in reverting to a spouse who has already used up their balance cap, then this may result in a compulsory cashing event for the deceased spouse requiring a lump sum payment to be made. Since the ECPI will only cover tax on assets up to a maximum of $1.6 million (plus earnings thereon as indexed), then the other assets that need to be liquidated or disposed of may give rise to taxable gains on which tax is payable. Over time, considerable extra revenue is likely to be raised through this measure by the ATO.

Accordingly, members in retirement phase with pension account balances exceeding $1.6 million can no longer rely on ECPI applying to any death benefit pensions paid to them as a surviving spouse or eligible beneficiary. There is likely to be detailed discussion and, hopefully some meaningful consultation, in relation to these concerns before the legislation is finalised.

Accordingly, the $1.6 million balance cap represents a new hidden death tax and it poses a challenge for ARPs as a tax effective SMSF succession planning tool.

However, many people will still probably want to position themselves with an ARP until the uncertainty of how the $1.6 balance cap measure is resolved. If the ARP results in the surviving spouse’s balance cap being exceeded further planning at or before that time may be needed.

Reduced flexibility in relation to in specie transfers

There can also be disadvantages in having an ARP. Having an ARP in place may, for instance, reduce the flexibility in relation to an in specie payment of superannuation death benefits.

The extension of the pension exemption on death for non-ARPs under sub-regs 995‑1.01(3) and (4) of the Income Tax Assessment Regulations 1997 (Cth) provides greater flexibility in relation to payment of assets supporting a pension to a fund member. Broadly, these provisions enable a lump sum death benefit to be paid by way of an in specie transfer of assets and be treated as an income stream payment covered by ECPI subject to the balance cap limit from 1 July 2017.

Note that these regulations do not apply to an ARP. To pay a lump sum by way of an in specie transfer of an asset in the context of an ARP, the ARP must be partially commuted, which can create complications for claiming ECPI (subject also to the balance cap proposal).

SMSF and pension documentation

The above strategies depend on quality SMSF, pension and other documentation. Many SMSF deeds and pension documents may not provide an adequate foundation to implement an ARP consistent with the ATO’s view in TR 2013/5.

Accordingly, advisers should ensure that their clients have appropriate documentation in place to implement their clients’ SMSF succession plans, including a strategic SMSF deed supported also by appropriate pension and BDBN documentation.

Naturally, DBA Lawyers’ SMSF deed and related documents provide for and support smooth and tax-effective SMSF succession planning outcomes.

Conclusion

As can be seen from the above, ARPs are not a ‘one-size-fits-all’ solution for every situation, but they do have a strategic role to play in tax-effective SMSF succession planning.

Advisers should be aware of the benefits and challenges of utilising ARPs, including in the context of insurance, government concessions, and the proposed $1.6 million balance cap.

For more information on ARPs, refer to:

http://www.dbalawyers.com.au/pensions/what-wins-out-an-automatically-reversionary-pension-arp-or-a-binding-death-benefit-nomination-bdbn/

For more information on the $1.6 million balance cap, refer to: http://www.dbalawyers.com.au/announcements/1-6m-balance-cap-examined-tax-death-benefits/

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Note: DBA Lawyers hold SMSF CPD training at venues all around. For more details or to register, visit www.dbanetwork.com.au or call 03 9092 9400.

For more information regarding how DBA Lawyers can assist in your SMSF practice, visit www.dbalawyers.com.au.

20 August 2016

Superannuation: Coalition guided by leftie Grattan Institute

20 August 2016

Grace Collier Columnist Melbourne @MsGraceCollier

Sacre bleu! In recent weeks, while defending the government’s superannuation policy in the media, Scott Morrison has morphed from a future prime minister into a dogmatic zealot.

Meanwhile in Canberra an under-the-carpet consultation process has begun. Coalition MPs are being canvassed by the party hierarchy about the superannuation “reforms” in an attempt to gauge the level of support or resistance before the changes are put to the house.

Will MPs vote for the policy or cross the floor and vote against it? The only MP who said he would cross the floor, George Christensen, has been made a whip, so does that mean he has been bought off?

And if the superannuation policy does pass the lower house, will some sage operators in the Senate threaten to block the Australian Building and Construction Commission bill and force the government to change the policy anyway, and thus make a fool of the wimps who voted for it?

These are the important questions of our time.

Typically, among Liberal MPs courage seems to be in short supply. Apart from one exception, who floored me by asking, “Why should we tax people less just because they’re old?”, every MP I spoke with thinks the policy is appalling and must be immediately sunk — by someone else.

Meanwhile, looking on is the base: the Liberal rank and file, the members, the donors and the volunteers. Here is where fury and despair remain widespread. Policymakers needn’t panic, this is not about the desire to avoid tax. Everyone knows half the households in this country are addicted to their welfare — er, “transfer payments” — and someone has to pay for that.

Out there in the real world, among half of us at least, there is acceptance we are compelled to work to fund the necessities of life, such as family tax benefits to the middle class, corporate welfare, politicians’ entitlements, education industry rorts, childcare scams and the installation of squat toilets in the Australian Taxation Offices. The only fly in the ointment is that the Coalition’s superannuation policy is terrible. Labor’s superannuation policy is better.

I am told that before the election, cabinet waved the policy through simply because nobody understood it and time constraints were pressing. Indeed, the policy is complex, contradictory and bizarre.

There is a cap of $1.6 million, yet hardly anyone is allowed to get to that cap unless they inherit wealth or something like that. Most MPs don’t understand their own policy, let alone where it came from — a publicly funded left-wing think tank, the Grattan Institute. Its report Super Tax Targeting is sexist and ageist. It urges the government to take money off “rich old men” who don’t need it and are committing “intergenerational theft” anyway via their superannuation accounts. Further, self-funded retirees should be aware the authors of the report — John Daley, Brendan Coates and Danielle Wood — regard them as greedy pigs.

Look at the report’s cover, pictured below.

grattaninstitutereportimage

Sceptics who doubt the Liberals would be so foolish as to adopt the institute’s leftist agenda should seek out the report on Google and read just the first page.

Back in June, when a public furore broke out about the policy, the institute put out a media release by Daley and Coates. It was titled “Tax-free super is intergenerational theft” and said: “A number of politicians have struggled this week to explain the Turnbull government’s proposed changes to superannuation … this complexity explains why intergenerational ‘theft’ through superannuation has continued for so long. No one has ever explained why we should have an age-based tax system … some of these voters are now objecting vociferously to losing their privileges but they were never justified in the first place.”

I sent off emails asking the Coalition powers-that-be to deny their superannuation policy was based on or informed by the report, and whether they deny meeting the authors. The Treasurer and Revenue and Financial Services Minister Kelly O’Dwyer declined to offer a denial and sent back a statement saying they talked to everyone.

Greedy pigs on the cover of the Grattan Institute report

The Grattan Institute was formed in 2008 and $30 million of taxpayer funds has been given to it.

It is housed in taxpayer-funded accommodation at the University of Melbourne and is crammed to the rafters with ex-Labor staff. All of this, in itself, is not such a bad thing. What is life without diversity? We can’t all be productive members of society. But the problem is that a body such as this shouldn’t be setting Coalition policy.

How on earth did this happen? Who knows, but the PM and his wife are listed on the “Friends of Grattan” web page as individual financial supporters. Further, Lucy Turnbull has been on the board since December 2012. So in the absence of any other rational explanation for the Liberals’ superannuation madness, there is always that.

How to destroy superannuation – just ask Grattan

Last November 2015, the SMSF Owners’ Alliance, put out a media release regarding the Grattan Institute’s attitude to superannuation. In view of Grace Collier’s article in the Weekend Australian (20-21 August 2016, page 22) “Leftie think tank behind super grab – Why should Coalition policy be based on the Grattan Institute’s recommendations?”, Save Our Super thinks it is timely to revisit the SMSF Owners’ Alliance media release.

25 November 2015

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An $11,000 cap on concessional contributions, as proposed by the Grattan lnstitute, would confine superannuation to being merely a substitute for the age pension rather than a vehicle for increasing savings for individuals and the nation.
This narrow approach defeats the purpose of superannuation. lf people can only save enough for retirement to be a bit better off than the pension then, rationally, they will spend their retirement savings as fast as they can and go on the pension. Where is the incentive to save more and be financially independent?
This is not the way to grow Australia’s retirement savings and give everyone the chance to live comfortably at a level related to their pre-retirement income, a concept known to economists as the ‘reasonable replacement rate’. This is generally accepted to be around two-thirds of pre-retirement income.

Grattan’s plan would throttle retirement savings and condemn millions of Australians to spend the last years of their lives in genteel poverty. Grattan quotes ASFA’s estimate that a retired couple need super savings of $640,000 for an “affluent lifestyle”. At a 5% return, that would give couples an income of $32,000 – hardly affluent.
It doesn’t allow for unexpected costs, such as surgery, house repairs or other necessities, that will run down fund balances. Nor does it allow for the likely high costs of care at the end of life which will have to be met by the taxpayer if people can’t afford to pay for themselves from their retirement savings.

As the Financial System Inquiry (FSl) noted, the biggest fear older people have is that their savings will not last all their lives. We suspect that Grattan really doesn’t like the idea of superannuation at all and would prefer everyone to be on the taxpayer funded age pension. Remember that when Labor announced their policy to tax super earnings above $75,000, Grattan said the limit should be $20,000 – about the same as the age pension. So in their view any income from savings above the age pension level should be taxed.

Superannuation is not a welfare system. lt is a retirement savings system that delivers important social and economic benefits to the nation. Grattan doesn’t see this distinction and seems to regard superannuation as a social engineering tool like the welfare system.
lf Grattan gets their way, Australia’s savings pool will be drained. There will be less money going into superannuation, less investment and fewer jobs – not least in the superannuation ‘industry’ itself. The corporations that back Grattan should think about this.

The Grattan Report repeats a couple of well-worn fallacies.
First, that the majority of superannuation tax concessions go to high income earners. Yes, they do, but high income earners pay proportionally more in income tax than they receive in concessions.
Grattan, and others, should acknowledge that higher income earners pay more tax. The Government’s ‘Better Tax’ website points out that the one third of taxpayers on incomes above $80,000 pay two thirds of income tax while the two thirds of taxpayers on incomes below $80,000 pay one third. ATO stats show that the top 20% of income earners pay 64% of income tax collected.

Second, Grattan comes up with a $25 billion cost to the budget of superannuation tax concessions. At least this is different to the usual $32 billion claim and moving in the right direction but it is just as flaky. As the Parliamentary Tax & Revenue Committee has been hearing, these numbers are not valid and even Treasury doesn’t stand by them.

Besides, mismanagement of the budget is not a reason to cut back on incentives for retirement savings. Governments need to get their real spending under control.

SMSF Owners believe the superannuation system is generally working well but can be improved. One way is to change the taxation of contributions. lnstead of everyone paying the same flat tax on contributions, there should be a flat (equal) tax benefit for everyone in the form of a rebate for super contributions keyed off an individual’s marginal income tax rate. This is the concept advanced in the Henry tax review five years ago, supported in principle by SMSF Owners in our Tax White Paper submissions and recently advocated by Deloitte Access Economics.

On our proposal, adjusting the front end taxation of contributions would allow the removal of taxes on fund earnings without affecting government revenue and boost tax-free retirement incomes so Australians can afford a comfortable and care free retirement. This would inspire Australians to save as much as they can, not as much as Grattan thinks they should.

lf there are to be changes made to the taxation of superannuation then they should be considered in the context of the whole tax system, including Australia’s highly progressive income tax rates. This is the outcome we are expecting from the current White Paper process which should deliver lower, simpler and fairer taxes for everyone.

Contact:
Duncan Fairweather
Executive Director

SMSF Owners
o4L2256200

dfairweather@smsfoa.org.au

www.smsfoa.org.au

Rethink the rorts on public sector superannuation

The Australian

30 August 2016

Judith Sloan Contributing Economics Editor

There are two classes of citizens: public servants and pollies, and the rest of us.

It was always going to come out that the real rorts and costs in the superannuation system are the public sector defined benefit superannuation schemes.

Just ignore Scott Morrison’s assurances that “commensurate measures” will ensure the privileged ones on defined benefit schemes will be treated like everyone else; it’s complete twaddle and he knows it.

Or he should know it, unless he has been hoodwinked by his bureaucratic advisers who are, almost to a man and a woman, beneficiaries of these gold-plated schemes.

Let us first consider constitutionally protected employees. They include judges, tribunal members and senior state public servants. As their titles suggest, they won’t be affected at all by the changes to the taxation and regulation of superannuation announced in the budget.

When Peter Costello introduced his superannuation surcharge tax, a group of judges simply went to court — presided over by another group of judges — to ensure the tax didn’t apply to them. Surprise, surprise, they won.

So for the select group of constitutionally protected employees, life is unaffected and they can look forward to their lavish pensions in due course. No “commensurate measures” for this lot.

For others who are members of (untaxed) defined benefit schemes, at worse there may be an imposition of a few grand of extra taxes for those earning more than $100,000 a year in retirement. But this impost comes nowhere near making the treatment of these pampered pooches equivalent to people who have had to work hard and save to accumulate their superannuation balances.

There are a variety of defined benefit schemes for public sector workers. Many of them are closed but some continue to this day.

The generosity of these schemes varies. Defined benefit schemes used to operate in the private sector for high-paid executives , but they have been closed for more than 20 years. Note also that few of the private defined benefit schemes paid retirement pensions: beneficiaries were handed a multiple of their final salary and sent on their way.

Top of the pops of the public sector schemes is the old parliamentary scheme, with ex-pollies earning up to 75 per cent of their highest salary indexed by movements in parliamentary salaries. Before 2001, a 30-year-old retiring (or defeated) politician could qualify for a pension — think Natasha Stott Despoja and Bill O’Chee — defying the rule about accessing superannuation only on reaching preservation age.

The scheme was completely closed in 2004. And note that neither Malcolm Turnbull nor the Treasurer are members of this old scheme. But they do take advantage of an employer contribution of 15.4 per cent, whereas those in the private sector have to make do with 9.5 per cent. You know it makes sense.

There are also some generous parliamentary schemes at the state level. And the schemes covering judges and magistrates are to die for — although if you do die, your spouse or partner will get about two-thirds of your indexed pension for the rest of their lives.

Consider the old Commonwealth Superannuation Scheme for federal public servants that was closed in 1990. (Another defined benefit scheme was put in place, the Public Sector Superannuation Scheme, to replace the CSS. The PSS was closed only in 2005.)

Most of our fearless policy advisers will be members of the CSS. For long-serving employees, the CSS pays out over 50 per cent of final adjusted salary, indexed by the consumer price index. Under this scheme, members could make zero contribution, although contributions up to 5 per cent after tax were permitted to boost final retirement income.

The fact salaries of senior public servants have soared in recent years turns the CSS into a truly princely arrangement.

There is an additional wrinkle to the scheme that knocks it out of the ballpark.

When the system of compulsory superannuation was first introduced, members of the CSS were awarded an additional contribution of 3 per cent of salary to be deposited into an accumulation account. From that point, CSS members could salary sacrifice additional contributions to this accumulation account, free of any of the constraints that apply to workers in the private sector. (This wrinkle also applies to members of other public sector defined benefit schemes.)

What this has meant is that the entire concessional contributions cap has been available to these lucky ones because there is no estimate of the monetary value of the notional annual contribution made on their behalf.

So a current CSS member aged 58, say, can make a $35,000 pretax annual superannuation contribution , whereas an employee in the private sector must take into account the employer contribution when calculating the amount that can be salary-sacrificed as a concessional contribution .

It is a complete disgrace, but the practice has persisted for years and years — I guess because the public servants never bothered to advise the politicians to close the loophole .

But if you really want to smell the putrid stench of hypocrisy, consider the government’s decision to grandfather these schemes. When the CSS was closed to new members, all existing members were allowed to remain within the old scheme and to continue to enjoy all its benefits. Ditto the parliamentarian scheme.

It was not as if there wasn’t an alternative. CSS members could have been transferred to a less generous accumulation scheme, with only their CSS benefits to that point preserved. But the government of the day decided against this action. The same argument applied to the parliamentarian scheme.

So here’s the real rub: grandfathering is fine for public servants and parliamentarians, according to politicians. But when it comes to mere mortals seeking to save for their retirement, grandfathering is so yesterday.

Indeed, it is not just the case that grandfathering is out of fashion ; there is a need to look back into time to make sure that members of accumulation schemes have not contributed too much of their post-tax savings. Indeed, Revenue and Financial Services Minister Kelly O’Dwyer told me that she wanted to reach further back than July 1, 2007, but the integrity of the records couldn’t be assured. She was fearful there could be two classes of citizens without this retrospectivity.

Kelly, there are two classes of citizens, but it has nothing to do with backdating regulation. There are the privileged public servants and pollies and the rest of us.

And the cost of running these defined benefit schemes is soaring as interest rates fall — in much the same way that $1.6 million doesn’t generate the income it once did.

The total superannuation liability of the commonwealth (for its present and former employees) will rise by close to $19 billion across the budget forward estimates , culminating in a total figure of $195bn in 2019-20 .

Any budget savings made as a result of the government’s budget superannuation changes are completely swamped by the burgeoning liabilities associated with the defined benefit schemes.

It’s time to return to the drawing board.

To mere mortals seeking to save for their retirement, grandfathering is so yesterday.

AMP underlying profit falls amid super uncertainty

The Australian

18 August 2016

Michael Roddan Reporter Melbourne @michaelroddan

The nation’s biggest wealth manager AMP has unveiled a hefty fall in underlying profitability as wealth management inflows shrink amid the government’s proposed superannuation shake-up, and as insurance claims surge.

AMP (AMP) today booked a net profit of $523 million for the six months through June, a 3 per cent increase year-on-year. The group said its underlying profit was down 10 per cent as higher claims in its wealth protection business and volatile investment conditions hampered earnings.

Revenue, however, slumped 29 per cent to $6.1 billion during the period.

AMP shares opened down 5 per cent at a five-week low of $5.50.

The slide in revenue came as cashflows into AMP’s Australian wealth management business dropped by 50 per cent to $582m, down from net cashflows of $1.15bn the same time last year. AMP said its weak retail and corporate super platform net cashflows were a product of investment market volatility and weaker investor confidence given uncertainty around proposed changes to superannuation.

“AMP Capital, AMP Bank and our New Zealand business have performed strongly, while Australian wealth management has demonstrated resilient performance in a difficult market environment,” chief executive Craig Meller said.

“While first half claims experience was poor, we continue to focus on improving the outcomes for customers and shareholders in our wealth protection business, with actions underway to improve capital efficiency and reduce volatility,” he said.

Mr Meller said AMP would be overhauling its insurance business to stem the tide of claims. The wealth protection arm booked operating earnings of $47m, down from $99m a year go.

“To address performance in the insurance business AMP is strengthening income protection assumptions, repricing, continuing the transformation of claims management and accelerating our capital management initiatives,” Mr Meller said.

AMP has over 5,400 employees and manages more than $220bn in assets and will pay a 14c interim dividend, in line with the prior year’s final dividend.

Libs press Morrison to double super contributions cap to $1m

The Australian

August 20, 2016

David Crowe Political correspondent Canberra @CroweDM      Glenda Korporaal Associate Editor (Business) Sydney @GlendaKorporaal

Scott Morrison has hit another barrier in his bid to legislate a $6 billion tax hike on superannuation, as Liberal MPs insist on bigger changes to the divisive budget measure before they sign off on the plan when parliament ­resumes within weeks.

Liberals MPs told The Weekend Australian their constituents wanted greater concessions than the Treasurer’s mooted proposal to lift the $500,000 lifetime cap on post-tax super contributions to $750,000 in order to soften the impact on workers and retirees.

With more talks scheduled for the week ahead, Mr Morrison is being asked to lift the cap to $1 million in the hope of ending the ­dissent over the policy, so it can be fast-tracked through the Coalition partyroom and put into force.

Angry at the way the super tax hike has been handled since the May budget, government backbenchers said a substantial compromise would be needed to assure Liberal Party supporters that their complaints had been heard and acted upon.

The proposal to lift the cap to $750,000 was only one option in the talks with backbenchers over recent days, as Mr Morrison and Financial Services Minister Kelly O’Dwyer try to test the ground for a compromise before parliament meets on August 30.

Jason Wood, the Liberal MP who holds the marginal seat of La Trobe in Melbourne’s outer east, said a higher threshold was needed to meet demands from voters.

“I am keen to lift the $500,000 cap to $1 million, as I think this is fair,” he told The Weekend ­Australian.

“I am pushing for higher, as that is what my constituents want. There is a great deal of consult­ation and seeking feedback.”

Other MPs said the signals on the lifetime cap were being sent to test the backbench mood, but would not be enough to silence complaints when the Coalition partyroom holds a crucial meeting to approve the package.

Strong critics of the super tax increase, including former cabinet minister Eric Abetz, have kept up their warnings against the ­reforms, while industry groups are calling for more detail before ­deciding on their position.

A more significant compromise proposal is to scrap the planned start date for the lifetime cap, July 2007, to fend off accusations of “retrospective” taxation, but this would sacrifice most of the measure’s $550m in forecast tax revenue over the next four years.

Mr Morrison and Ms O’Dwyer made no comment yesterday on their consultations. The super package would raise $6bn but uses half of this to fund greater super benefits for parents returning to the workforce and workers on incomes of less than $37,000 a year, leaving $3bn to improve the budget bottom line over four years.

The government is insisting that any changes to the super tax revenue would have to be offset by savings elsewhere in the portfolio.

MPs warned against paying for the compromise on high-end super taxes by scaling back the benefits to ordinary workers from the Low Income Super Tax Offset. “You couldn’t possibly do that,” said one Liberal.

Super fund groups welcomed indications that the government may be considering changes to its budget measures but said they did not go far enough. While some groups want to increase the proposed $500,000 post-tax cap, there is widespread agreement that the more critical issue is to ­retain the current caps on concessional contributions, which are proposed to be cut from $30,000 a year, and $35,000 a year for people over 50, to $25,000 a year.

“We would welcome increased flexibility around the non-concessional lifetime cap, whether it be through an increase in the cap or by specific carve-outs,” Andrea Slattery, the chief executive of the Self Managed Super Association, said yesterday. “We would welcome a shift in start date of the measure but we understand any changes would have significant revenue impacts.”

She also warned that there would need to be an analysis of any proposed “carve-outs” for lifetime events such as divorce.

The Weekend Australian understands there will be no special treatment for funds received from inheritances. Simon Swanson, the chief executive of ASX-listed wealth management company Clearview, said an increase in the post-tax contribution cap would allow ­people who had interrupted work patterns to “catch up” in saving for their retirement.

“An increase of the contrib­ution cap to $750,000 would give those people who leave the workforce for an extended period a chance to catch up, thereby ensuring they don’t need any support from the pension,” he said.

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