Tag: superannuation

Government needs to be ‘very careful’ about changing super rules

The Australian

9 September 2016

Rachel Baxendale

Tony Abbott says the government needs to be “very careful about changing the rules once the game has started”, as internal consultation continues over the Coalition’s proposed changes to superannuation tax concessions.

The former prime minister’s comments came as Finance Minister Mathias Cormann declined to speculate on how long it may take to legislate the reforms, indicating the consultation process may drag on.

Speaking to 2GB’s Alan Jones, Mr Abbott reiterated his concerns about a proposal to cap non-concessional (post-tax) contributions at $500,000.

“This is one of the issues that Coalition MPs have been discussing, it’s one of the matters that the government is considering in the post-election period,” Mr Abbott said.

“My own view, as you know, is that superannuation is not the government’s money, it’s our money, it’s your money, it’s money that we’ve saved up over time.

“In many cases it’s money that we have invested, it’s not concessional money, it’s after tax money that people have put in and governments should be very careful about changing the rules once the game has started.

Mr Abbott acknowledged the difficult fiscal position the government must confront, and said it was important to ensure superannuation was a “retirement savings vehicle rather than a wealth management vehicle”.

“But still we have to be careful about the changes that we make and there are lots of members of parliament right now who are saying on behalf of their constituents, let’s think carefully about these things, particularly this issue of the $500,000 cap on non-concessional contributions,” Mr Abbott said.

Amid speculation a revised package of superannuation measures could be presented to the Coalition party room when parliament resumes next week, Senator Cormann indicated the timeline was likely to be more drawn out.

“I obviously don’t talk and discuss what is discussed in the party room, but our reform to superannuation tax concessions is a very substantial reform package, it’s designed to make the system fairer, more sustainable and fit for purpose,” he told Sky News.

“Most of these changes actually don’t come into effect until 1 July 2017, so we’ve got time to go through a proper process.

“We said before the election that there would be consultation after the election.

That consultation has been taking place, and obviously when the Treasurer and the Minister for Financial Services and Revenue is ready to take this to the next step, they will do so.

Asked whether that meant the next step could be some weeks off, Senator Cormann declined to speculate on timing.

“We’re going through a proper and orderly process and when they’re ready to press the button on the next stage, I’m sure that they will do so,” he said.

The Turnbull government backs an unprincipled purpose of super

Institute of Public Affairs

Economics & Deregulation | John Roskam
Australian Financial Review 9th September, 2016

On Wednesday the Turnbull government released draft legislation to bring some of its superannuation promises into law. These changes are not the whole policy – we are told that some of the most contentious parts will be legislated in the future. But in many ways this legislation is even more significant than the policy of how superannuation should be taxed. Because for the first time the draft legislation enshrines the purpose – the principles – of our compulsory superannuation system into law.

When the government used the May budget to shred its promise not to increase taxes on superannuation, it did not consult the public on its proposal. At least they’re having a consultation this time. But the consultation will go for nine days. That’s correct. The public get nine days from when the draft legislation was unveiled (7 September) to the date consultations close (16 September) to make submissions on the future of an industry with more than $2 trillion in assets.

Meanwhile, the government estimates it will get $100 million this year from new taxes from overseas backpackers working in Australia. The consultation period was a month, and reportedly resulted in 1000 public submissions. But the consultation on the objective of superannuation goes for nine days. A sceptical observer might conclude that perhaps ministers have already made up their mind.

Over the last month the Treasurer has travelled the country assuring the public that the Coalition’s plans to retrospectively apply a $500,000 cap on post-tax contributions and limit the amount that can be held in accounts in the pension phase will only affect one per cent of superannuants. The problem with this analysis is that even if the one per cent figure is true (accurate figures for superannuation are notoriously inaccurate), the number only applies to people who are immediately affected by the change.

The figure takes no account of people potentially affected into the future. Further, the implication of the Treasurer’s claim is that if only one per cent of superannuants are affected by arbitrary and retrospective changes to superannuation, then there’s nothing to worry about. He is coming perilously close to claiming the rule of law shouldn’t apply to rich people.

‘Primary objective’

The thing that the government will spend nine days consulting the public on is the idea that the “primary objective” of superannuation should be put into law. According to the Coalition the primary objective of the superannuation system should be “to provide income in retirement to substitute or supplement the age pension.”

The problem with this as the objective of the superannuation is that it puts superannuation and the age pension the wrong way around.

The focus on any retirement income policy should be on strengthening self-funded superannuation, and the age pension should only act as add-on or top-up. The government should aim to have as few people rely on the welfare of the age pension.

Expressing the objective of superannuation in the way the government proposes is to put tax and financial consideration at the centre of superannuation policy. Instead, the starting point for any consideration of superannuation should be the inherent dignity of individuals taking personal responsibility for the care of themselves in retirement.

Saying that the main objective of superannuation is merely to save taxpayers the cost of the pension, is like saying people should be encouraged to get a job so the government doesn’t have to incur the expense of paying the Newstart Allowance. Work is important in and of itself. The self-respect of a retirement that doesn’t rely on support from someone else is no less important.

An objective for superannuation that was centred on dignity and choice in retirement could be expressed in the following way.

“The objective of the superannuation system is to ensure that as many Australians as possible take personal responsibility to save for their own retirement. The age pension provides a safety net for those who are unable to provide for themselves in retirement.”

Their policy on superannuation is not the only thing Turnbull and Morrison have got wrong.

They’re also wrong on the principles of superannuation. Getting a principle wrong is much more serious than mucking up a policy. Policies can be fixed and reversed. Principles are more difficult to correct.

Tony Abbott’s grenade for superannuation reforms

The Australian

3 September 2016

Sarah Martin Political Reporter Canberra @msmarto

Tony Abbott has clashed with Scott Morrison over his super­annuation changes, labelling them “deeply unpopular” with the Coalition’s base, as support builds for the Treasurer to ­increase the cap on after-tax contributions to $1 million.

In a “tetchy” private meeting with a group of Liberal and ­Nationals MPs in Parliament House on Thursday, Mr Abbott confronted Mr Morrison and Minister for Revenue Kelly O’Dwyer about their proposed $6 billion super package. He ­argued the government was wrong to offer super concessions to low-income earners.

He also argued for the government to abandon its proposed cap on post-tax contributions.

As Mr Morrison and Malcolm Turnbull seek to reach a consensus with backbench MPs on the contentious election policy, The Weekend Australian can also ­reveal that doubling the lifetime cap on non-concessional contributions to $1m would hit the budget bottom line by $750m.

MPs at the meeting said they were “aghast” that Mr Abbott had proposed hitting low-income earners — particularly working mothers — to benefit the wealthy, whom the former leader accused Mr Morrison and Ms O’Dwyer of abandoning.

“He went in there looking for a fight; he wasn’t interested in ­information, he wasn’t interested in listening to his colleagues, he wanted to have a fight,” said one MP present at the meeting.

Mr Abbott is understood to have argued that the Coalition should represent lower taxes and smaller government, prompting a retort from Mr Morrison about policies Mr Abbott had put in place while leader that had ­increased taxes. Amid a series of tense exchanges with the man he believed betrayed him in last year’s leadership spill, Mr Abbott said the super changes ­announced in Mr Morrison’s first budget in May “sent the wrong message about aspiration” and he argued that there should be no cap on after-tax contributions.

When he was prime minister, Mr Abbott ruled out changing superannuation, ­saying it was not a “piggy bank” to be raided.

The Weekend Australian ­understands Mr Morrison told Thursday’s meeting that the ­Coalition needed to focus on its key narrative — the moral ­responsibility it had for budget repair — and pointed to legislation being pursued by the government that cut taxes and spending.

“Scott was very firm, but it was clear from Tony’s demeanour that he had not got out of bed on the right side that morning,” one MP said. Another said: “Tony ­arrived to the meeting cranky, and I think people were a bit shocked that he went for Scott so obviously. It was personal.”

Increasing the lifetime cap on non-concessional contributions to $750,000 is understood to cost the budget $250m. Removing the retrospective elements but keeping the $500,000 cap would cost $540m. Raising the cap to $1m would cost $750m, but the Treasurer did not present costings for abandoning the non-concessional cap, as advocated by Mr Abbott.

Sources at the meeting say Ms O’Dwyer took aim at Mr Abbott for suggesting the Liberal Party should only look after a narrow base of wealthy constituents, suggesting he had forgotten about the “Howard battlers” and reminded him that the Liberal Party was “not just the party of the privileged”.

On the Low Income Superannuation Tax Offset, which benefits those earning less than $37,000, Mr Abbott is understood to have criticised Mr Morrison for wanting to restore the measure that he had scrapped in 2014 when the mining tax was repealed.

“Tony argued that we had suffered political pain for getting rid of it and we won’t get any credit for putting it back,” a source said.

Another said Mr Abbott “was basically arguing that the lowest paid should subsidise the wealthy”.

One female regional Liberal MP who was at the meeting of about 10 MPs, was one said to be “shocked” at his proposal to scrap the policy. Sources said she pushed back against Mr Abbott, saying the policy benefited women and part-time workers, and the government would suffer enormous political damage if it cut the $1.6bn policy to help wealthy superannuants.

It is understood Mr Morrison and Ms O’Dwyer were supported by Fisher MP Andrew Wallace and North Sydney MP Trent Zimmerman in arguing for the offset to remain in place.

The meeting also canvassed lifting the non-concessional cap to $1m. Sources at the meeting said this received a “sympathetic” hearing from Mr Morrison and Ms O’Dwyer. Mr Zimmerman, and conservative MPs George Christensen and Tony Pasin, also argued in favour of lifting the cap.

A spokesman for Mr Morrison said: “The Treasurer and Minister for Revenue and Financial Services have been consulting with colleagues on the government’s superannuation measures and welcome the continued positive discussions that have been taking place.”

Mr Abbott did not comment.

Treasurer and Prime Minister a pair of dangerous duds

Herald Sun

31 August 2016

Terry McCrann

THE treasurer’s absolutely bull-headed refusal to reconsider his superannuation tax changes — other than in the very narrow context of a negotiating tactic with his own backbench — is a very, very, bad sign of the quality of policy more broadly we can expect from this Turnbull-Morrison government.

It should have been clear from budget night — indeed it should have been clear well before budget night, inside treasury and Scott Morrison’s office, if not his head — that the proposals added up to very bad policy and had to be changed, comprehensively and cohesively.

No, not changed because of the squeals of pain and outrage from high-income earners or those who had built up large multi-million dollar super balances, but changed for two very important functional reasons.

The first and most important was not to end up throwing the ‘baby’ out with the ‘bathwater;’ that for the sake of saving a few billion dollars upfront, you ended up compromising the entire purpose of the superannuation system and the tax concessions.

To remind the treasurer: this is, simply, to get as many people entirely or partially off the old age pension in future years, in future decades.

It would not simply be pointless but an utter disgrace, to have multi-billion dollar tax concessions each year, while also mandating the injection of over $20 billion a year into the pockets of fund managers and investment advisers, if all you ended up with was retirees being able to binge their super before spending the rest of their lives on the taxpayer pension.

The second reason why the budget proposals were bad policy is that they were proposed in a vacuum.

The government wants to put relatively low limits on how much people can put into super; while also increasing the taxation of the money that ends up in there anyway.

At the same it is leaving in place the low-tax regimes that apply to super’s two biggest competitors — negatively-geared investment, not just property but also into shares; and the capital gains tax-free family home.

As sure as night follows day, as sure as reality ultimately wins out over wished-for fantasy, people will in future double-down on negative-gearing — including inside their super funds — and also ‘invest’ more in their family home and stay in that home longer. It was almost as if Morrison brought down a budget deliberately designed to pour money into the pockets of property speculators and real estate agents — while imposing higher tax burdens and bigger budget deficits on the backs of his children and grandchildren, whose eyes he wants to be able to keep looking into.
Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and Treasurer Scott Morrison. Picture: AAP

As I noted on budget night — in accepting the inevitability of getting some wind-back of Peter Costello’s boomtime generosity — the government had set the two key limits too low. That was so, especially in the context of the ‘new normal’ of very low interest rates.

At a 3 per cent earning rate, the $1.6 million maximum tax-free super pension balance would generate only $48,000 a year as against between $22,700 (single) and $34,200 (couple) from the taxpayer pension.

Yes, the $1.6 million is per person, but Labor’s similar proposal would allow annual super pension income up to $75,000 to be tax-free. That’s more realistic, more reasonable.

The government should either adopt that approach or lift its tax-free ceiling to $2.5 million, which at a 3 per cent earning rate would be the equivalent.

Far more importantly, how does anyone in future even get to the $1.6 million in the context of the absolute limits to contributions that Morrison wants to impose: the $25,000 a year pre-tax ($21,250 actually into the fund) and the $500,000 lifetime maximum after-tax?

HOW can you on the one hand say that $1.6 million is an appropriate maximum sum to fund a lifetime in retirement, but accompany it with rigid contribution limits that make it impossible to actually get to that figure?

To say nothing of the good public policy objective of allowing — if not exactly encouraging — people in their early 60s to sell their family home and put, say, $1 million into super as a one-off?

It’s been nearly two months since the election. A competent treasurer, with an objective of merging good policy with effective politics, would have spent the time reworking the entirety of his super package, so that he would really have been able to confront first his backbench and then the parliament with well thought through basic good policy.

Instead Morrison has done the exact opposite: stuck his head in the sand and approached the issue as someone negotiating a deal where you want to give away as little as possible. This goes to the broader issue of leadership at the top — that of Morrison and the prime minister.

Exactly seven weeks ago, two weeks after the election, I suggested that everyone take a very deep breath and step back.

There was no need to rush to try to implement policy, whether election promise or left hanging from the budget. That in the coming weeks of the winter hiatus, this was the time for the PM to allow policy to be reconsidered, refined, and ideally made best ‘fit for purpose.’

What Morrison’s approach to the super mess demonstrates is that the first two months of the new term has been a complete waste of time.

That has been depressingly reinforced by Turnbull’s supposed 25-point action plan. Most of the proposals have more whiskers on them than a grizzly. They include such profoundly important measures as ‘registration of deaths abroad.’

We knew before the election that we had a dud — a political and policy dud — as PM. Since the election, the treasurer has made it his singular duty to convince us it’s a two-fer.

It’s going to be a very long and dispiriting three years. If we get that far.

Bill Shorten: Press Club Q and A – Canberra – 24 August 2016

SUBJECT/S: Superannuation…

JOURNALIST: Hi Mr Shorten, Phil Coorey from the Fin Review. Thanks for your speech. Just on super, and just at the end of your speech where you announced – you offered Scott Morrison a way through on a couple of things and so forth. I’ll just take you back, when you were Minister in charge of this area you proposed some changes to super and at the same time you said that should be it and we should leave super from here onwards in the hands of some independent guardians, and then a couple of years ago Mr Bowen, your Shadow Treasurer, was here, he announced a couple of changes that you took to the election, and then again you proposed not touching super, only every five years and having it overseen independently. Now we’ve got the Government still trying to finalise its policy, you’re offering more changes to try to get them through. Are we kidding ourselves to think that superannuation is just not going to become a punching bag between now and whenever the economy gets back on a strong footing, we don’t need to see it as a source of revenue?

SHORTEN: We certainly think that superannuation policy going forward should be a lot more transparent and a lot more generational in decision making. That’s why we like the idea of a Reserve Bank-style of policy making in superannuation which would report to the Parliament its proposed policies and its changes. But there’s no doubt that the system of tax concessions is not sustainable in its current form, and initially when we said that I think the Liberals sort of rubbished us. But then to my surprise they came up with some almost Chavez-like measures last Budget. Only four months ago, doesn’t time fly?

There’s no way Phil, I could have predicted that this Government would embrace the principle of retrospectivity. The last time I think we saw that was in bottom of the harbour tax schemes. The truth of the matter is that they’ve made such a hash of superannuation. And don’t take my word for it. Just take it from every backbencher who briefs you off the record, and some on the record. This retrospectivity has cast the whole system into confusion. Now, I get that a standard response might be to say ‘well the people affected by retrospectivity are relatively very well off’. The problem is it destabilises the whole system. Retrospectivity undermines everyone’s confidence in superannuation. So Phil, I couldn’t have predicted that the Liberal Party of Howard would then turn into the sort of retrospective law makers of Turnbull and Morrison, and really, you know and I know and certainly I occasionally read the editorials in your paper – the David Rowe cartoon is always good – you know, they, your paper is fulminating against retrospectivity. So something’s got to give here. We’ve got to fix this.

They have got themselves into a dreadful hash. What I find amazing is that the Liberal solution is, you know, do they tackle retrospectivity which they – they don’t want to admit they’re wrong, but then they’re proposing that you should have a million dollars. Then you’ve got Scott Morrison saying he couldn’t in all conscience tell his kids he’d agree to have $1 million in terms of – with the favourable treatment. I agree with him on that. But in all conscience, we can’t tell people that they’ve invested under one set of laws, can we, and the goal posts get changed between and people have invested in good faith? So, this is a mess of the Government’s making. We’ll help fix up their retrospectivity and we’ve also proposed sensible ways to make sure that our superannuation tax concession scheme is sustainable.

 

JOURNALIST: Mr Shorten, just on your super position that you articulated today, is that it? I just wanted to clarify is this your final position on super? Will you then vote against what the Government puts to Parliament unless they change some change?

SHORTEN: We hope that the Government actually sits down and talks to us about this, full stop. It should be it. I can’t predict what this Government is going to produce, though. If we had had a sporting bet about the Government going down the path of retrospective legislation, could I have got any takers for it? You couldn’t get odds on it. You will probably get better odds for Giles getting elected in the Northern Territory. That is the fact of the matter. So I can’t predict what is in the minds of the Government. But what I say to them is this, superannuants, not just the people affected, but everyone, are sick and tired of the system being mucked about with. But this retrospectivity issue is very destabilising, it is not a matter about the amount of money, there is a principal going on there. We’ve come up with a solution and we have improved the Budget bottom line too. And we say to the Government and this is the thrust of today’s speech, on the things that we fair about like Medicare, well we are going to fight every day. But where we can get cooperation or negotiation we will do that too. And I think on superannuation, just like on the banking royal commission and if they could actually back down on their cuts to Medicare and if they could just, just get themselves off the hook they’re on in terms of this plebiscite. I think they would get a lift in respect of the public. It may not be in our short-term interest but it’s in the nations long-term interest and that is who I am.

Treasurer Scott Morrison’s taxing our nerves with his super fibs

The Australian

27 August 2016

Grace Collier Columnist Melbourne @MsGraceCollier

According to a Coalition insider, years ago our federal treasurer at the time, Peter Costello, completely “stuffed up” our superannuation system. Until recently, this theory was completely unknown to me, and probably is news to you, too. You may have thought, as I did, that Costello was the last competent treasurer this nation had.

In any case, we were all wrong; apparently Costello was an irresponsible galoot. And unless our stuffed superannuation system is fixed, Scott Morrison said on radio this week, he will find it pretty hard to look his “kids in the eye and tell them they’ve got to saddle a higher debt because someone who had a very big income wanted to pay less tax”.

This “someone” with a “very big income” who wants to “pay less tax” is how the Treasurer refers nowadays to self-funded retirees. Earlier this month, he told listeners of radio station 5AA there were 6000 of them with superannuation balances of more than $5 million. One might expect a Liberal politician to praise these people, hold them up as role models and publicly thank them for staying off the public purse. After all, they have done exactly what various governments through many years have wanted them to do, and none of us will have to lift a finger to support them.

But no, Morrison — who often sounds more like a socialist than those on the left of the Labor Party — spoke about these people as though they were selfish tax dodgers. If one picks up Morrison’s vibe, the existence of these 6000 people is evidence the superannuation system is stuffed and the reason we are in debt and on the cusp of losing our triple-A credit rating.

The nation’s debt is of no concern to many Australian adults. Would Morrison’s children really lie awake at night worrying about it? And is the amount of money Morrison is planning to collect from his superannuation “reforms” going to help much? After all, the net savings are a mere 0.16 per cent of total government receipts across the forward estimates.

Regardless, the Treasurer needn’t worry about what to say to the children. He can just do to them what he does to us: say any old thing, no matter how obviously untrue, over and over, like a commission-only sales rep. Come to think of it, Morrison could just tell his kids there is no public debt at all.

Thanks to the website saveoursuper.org.au, we can see what the Treasurer said just last year about how the government would never, ever do what he said Labor would do, which is exactly what the government is going to do now: tax the income from people’s superannuation savings accounts.

Radio 3AW, June 19 last year: “Well, we do want to encourage everyone … to be saving for their retirement and … we don’t want to tax you, like (Labor’s treasury spokesman) Chris Bowen does.”

Radio 2GB, May 25 last year: “My own view is … I don’t want to tax people more when they’re basically investing for their own future … That’s why I think Chris Bowen’s idea … of … taxing superannuation incomes is a bad idea. I don’t support it.”

Question time, May 25 last year: “And when they get into their retirement, we are going to make sure that their hard-earned savings in their superannuation will not be the subject of the tax slug that those opposite want to impose, those opposite see it as a tax nest — a tax nest for those to plunder. What we will do for them is: we will not tax them.”

3AW, May 18, last year: “It’s the Labor Party who wants to tax superannuation, not the Liberal Party, particularly the incomes of superannuants …”

Doorstop, May 8 last year: “The government has made it crystal clear that we have no interest in increasing taxes on superannuation either now or in the future … unlike Labor, we are not coming after people’s superannuation.”

Press conference, May 7 last year: “What we are not going to do is we are not going to tax those savings like Bill Shorten wants to do. That is the difference, we will not tax your super, Bill Shorten will … we are not going to increase those taxes … nothing we have done with the Greens has in any way changed the government’s position on not taxing your super. We will not tax your super.”

ABC’s AM, May 5 last year: “What is not fair is if you save for your retirement and you create yourself a superannuation nest egg and the government then comes along and taxes that income, which is what Labor are proposing to do.”

3AW, May 1 last year: “The government does not support Labor’s proposal to tax superannuants more on the income they have generated for their retirement.”

For those on the other side of this debate and supportive of the government’s changes, remember this: people who aim to fund their own retirements are not angry about having to pay more tax. These people are well accustomed to paying for everyone else; they have done it all their lives. They are angry because they have been lied to by Morrison, and when he isn’t boasting about how he has caused the value of Australia’s largest pastoral company to plummet, he runs around the place insulting and degrading successful savers, the people he should be praising.

In my opinion the man is dangerous and not fit to be Treasurer. And the next election cannot come soon enough.

Economy silences free speech on super

The Australian

30 August 2016

David Crowe Political Correspondent

Liberal MPs are biding their time on their disputes with Malcolm Turnbull and Scott Morrison over free speech and superannuation tax hikes, deciding yesterday to avoid raising the divisive issues at a meeting where the economy took priority.

The government’s $6 billion increase in taxes on super went unremarked during the Coalition partyroom meeting yesterday despite fury about the changes among some of the government’s own supporters and a backbench push to soften the final reform.

The Treasurer assured MPs they would have a chance to discuss the super package before the next partyroom meeting, scheduled for September 12, but there were no deliberations yesterday in the full meeting or in earlier committee briefings.

The issue has been referred to the backbench committee on economics and finance, which is chaired by incoming NSW Nationals MP Andrew Gee with Queenslander Scott Buchholz as its secretary.

MPs are hoping to use the committee to water down a $500,000 lifetime cap on post-tax super contributions , with Liberal National Party senator Ian Macdonald warning that he had concerns over the “retrospective” measure because it would apply to savings accrued since July 2007.

LNP MP George Christensen has threatened to cross the floor if the super package is not changed while Victorian MP Jason Wood has called for the lifetime cap to be increased to $1 million.

The overall package raises taxes by $6bn and uses half of this to fund more concessions for lowpaid workers, while the remaining $3bn boosts the budget bottom line. Heavily amending the lifetime cap would sacrifice about $550m of the new revenue but MPs are trying to find an alternative saving.

While some MPs also want amendments to section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act on the agenda, arguing the law restricts free speech by putting sanctions on remarks that offend or insult, they are also waiting for another day to air their concerns.

Liberals have called 18C a fundamental problem that offends the party’s philosophy but nobody aired any concerns about the law in the partyroom yesterday.

The government’s $6 billion increase in taxes on super went unremarked during the Coalition partyroom meeting

Super reforms come at a cost

The Australian

27 August 2016

by Debra Cleveland

Treasurer Scott Morrison is already grappling with backbenchers opposed to the $500,000 as they believe it's retrospective.

With Parliament resuming next week, the battle lines over the Turnbull government’s proposed budget changes to superannuation are drawn. An offer from the Labor party – to accept the $500,000 lifetime cap on non-concessional (after-tax) contributions in return for other compromises – has been rejected, leaving Treasurer Scott Morrison to face two other fronts.

He’s already grappling with backbenchers opposed to the $500,000 cap as they say it’s retrospective (applying from July 1, 2007). And while the Greens will support a backdated $500,000 cap, they won’t back the higher $750,000 Morrison brought to the table as a compromise this month.

At stake are $6 billion in budget savings and $3 billion in new initiatives.

Morrison said in February key drivers of potential super reforms were stability and certainty, “especially in the retirement phase”. This week he added: “I stand by everything I said for the simple reason that the retirement phase remains tax-free. The retirement phase account, which under our proposal [will have] a transfer balance cap, will mean that 99 per cent of people who have balances less than $1.6 million will remain absolutely in exactly the same situation.”

There is deep anger among many retirees and savers who feel their plans have been scuppered even though they were following the rules.

Labor said this week it would accept the $500,000 lifetime cap on condition it was prospective (applying from budget night). Its solution to lost revenue was a suggestion to increase the pool of high earners paying 30 per cent (rather than 15 per cent) super contributions tax. It proposed the higher tax kick in for those earning $200,000 a year, not $250,000. It also wanted to ditch other measures including being able to contribute to super to age 75 without the work test, tax deductions for personal contributions and catch-up concessional (pre-tax) contributions.

No matter how the super deal is sliced and diced, the bottom line is that there will be fewer tax concessions and lower limits on how much savers can contribute to super.

Advisers say Australians have become far less confident in super as a savings vehicle thanks to constant political tinkering (on both sides of Parliament). Will Hamilton, CEO of Hamilton Wealth Management, says: “It has undermined confidence in the system.” Colin Lewis, senior manager strategic advice at Perpetual Private, agrees: “Constant changes have perpetuated the uncertainty of the super system.”

Deep anger

But both say super remains the most tax-effective investment vehicle around – even after the changes.

Labor said this week it would accept the $500,000 lifetime cap on condition it was prospective (applying from budget night).

There is, however, deep anger among many retirees and savers in the middle of complex super strategies who feel their plans have been scuppered even though they were following the rules.

Retiree Paul McCarthy says: “It should be forcefully rammed home, by all concerned with fairness, good policy and good politics, that only by making the $500,000 cap prospective will everyone be treated equally. Because individual after-tax contributions to super of up to $540,000 have been permissible, and because retirees over 60 have been able to freely withdraw unlimited lump sums and then contribute again, there will be many who have exceeded either of these proposed contribution caps while nevertheless still having total current balances well below them!

“So inherent unfairness arises from the retrospective counting of past contributions and the consequent blocking of investors’ future contributions, not from the size of any cap that the government chooses.”

Fellow retiree and retired actuary Nathan Potaznik adds: “The absence of grandfathering provisions is grossly unfair. It also stands in stark contrast to when the former Parliamentary Super scheme was closed to new members in 2004, with the then existing members continuing with the same benefits. It seems that grandfathering is just fine for parliamentarians but not for ordinary citizens.”

The key message to savers is to make the most of what you can do, and start early. The proposed concessional (pre-tax) contribution cap of $25,000 a year is lower than the current $30,000 for those under 50 and $35,000 for those 50 and over. The cap is indexed to wages growth, in $5000 increments. And the plan is that if you don’t make the full $25,000 contribution each year, you can “catch up” in later years.

Remember that the $1.6 million cap on the amount in pension phase where earnings are tax-free is per person. A couple could have $3.2 million in pension phase and pay no tax on earnings.

As Hamilton says: “Everyone’s focusing on being taxed on anything above $1.6 million in pension phase. But the tax is on the earnings on the excess, not the excess itself.” So if a couple had a combined $3.3 million in pension phase, they would face tax (a maximum 15 per cent) on earnings generated by the excess $100,000. They wouldn’t actually pay tax on the $100,000 itself. Lewis points out that thanks to franking credits, earnings tax is often more like 9 per cent, not 15 per cent.

The lifetime cap (whatever the final figure is) will curtail the ability of older Australians to make big top-up contributions to super. Putting more into super later once mortgage and school fee expenses decrease has been the traditional pattern. This will have to change, advisers say.

The new death tax – automatically reversionary pensions?

dbalawyers-logo

By: Daniel Butler, Director (dbutler@dbalawyers.com.au) and

William Fettes (wfettes@dbalawyers.com.au), DBA Lawyers

Introduction

The $1.6 million balance cap proposal adds another layer of complexity to understanding whether an automatically reversionary pension (‘ARP’) is still an appropriate SMSF succession planning strategy.

What is an ARP?

We refer to the term ARP and deliberately avoid the term ‘reversionary pension’ as a reversionary pension is generally a mere wish in relation to paying the pension to a nominated beneficiary. Under most SMSF deeds and pension documents, trustees retain a discretion to make a pension reversionary even though a member has nominated a reversionary beneficiary. Broadly, this has worked well over many years where a member separates with his or her spouse, as the last thing many deceased members would like happening is for their superannuation benefit to be paid to their former spouse.

In contrast, an ARP is a pension that must be paid to the nominated beneficiary without any exercise of discretion by the fund trustee. Special wording in an SMSF deed and pension documentation is required to ensure a pension is an ARP as discussed below. This is to abide by the ATO’s view in TR 2013/5 where the Commissioner states at [29]):

Death of a member

  1. A superannuation income stream ceases as soon as a member in receipt of the superannuation income stream dies, unless a dependant beneficiary of the deceased member is automatically entitled, under the governing rules of the superannuation fund or the rules of the superannuation income stream, to receive an income stream on the death of the member. If a dependant beneficiary of the deceased member is automatically entitled to receive the income stream upon the member’s death, the superannuation income stream continues.22

Moreover, the ATO elaborates on what constitutes ‘automatic’ for tax law purposes in TR 2013/5 at [126]:

  1. A superannuation income stream automatically transfers to a dependant beneficiary on the death of a member if the governing rules of the superannuation fund, or other rules governing the superannuation income stream, specify that this will occur. The rules must specify both the person to whom the benefit will become payable and that it will be paid in the form of a superannuation income stream. The rules may also specify a class of person (for example, spouse) to whom the benefit will become payable. It is not sufficient that a superannuation income stream becomes payable to a beneficiary of a deceased member only because of a discretion (or power) granted to the trustee by the governing rules of the superannuation fund. The discretion (or power) may relate to determining either who will receive the deceased member’s benefits, or the form in which the benefits will be payable.

Accordingly, if there is any discretion afforded to the fund trustee under the governing rules of the fund or the pension documentation in regard to paying a particular superannuation dependant or the payment method, the ATO will consider the pension ceases on death for tax law purposes. This can have important consequences for SMSF succession planning, including insurance payouts and the retention of other valuable concessions.

We turn now to consider some key areas where having an ARP in place can provide some advantages.

Insurance

For those SMSF members who do hold a life insurance policy in their SMSF, an ARP may be worthwhile if the following conditions are satisfied:

  • the SMSF member is likely to receive a sizeable insurance payout upon their death or permanent incapacity;
  • the relevant insurance policy premium is paid from the member’s pension account; and
  • the relevant pension account that serviced the insurance premiums is comprised of a high proportion of tax-free component.

Broadly, in these circumstances, when a life insurance payment is allocated to a member’s pension account, the payment will broadly take on the same proportion of the underlying taxable and tax-free components as the member’s pension.

Example:

If a deceased member commenced a pension entirely comprising tax-free component, and the insurance premiums were deducted from that member’s pension account, then the $1 million insurance proceeds paid to the SMSF on that member’s death and allocated to the deceased member’s pension account would constitute a 100% tax-free component. This could fund a tax free reversionary pension.

In contrast, if a deceased member’s pension ceased on death, any insurance proceeds that are subsequently paid into the fund would form part of member’s accumulation account and comprise a 100% taxable component.

Grandfathering of favourable income testing

Another area where ARPs may prove important is for the retention of concessions that relate to income testing.

For instance, the eligibility testing for the age pension provided by Centrelink or the Department of Veteran Affairs (‘DVA’) includes a more favourable income test for account-based pensions (‘ABP’) in place prior to 1 January 2015.

For ABPs that commenced prior to 1 January 2015, only the amount of pension withdrawn less a deductible amount (broadly, the deductible amount is the amount of the member’s pension account divided by their life expectancy) counts towards the income test. However, for ABPs commenced from 1 January 2015, the amount of the member’s pension account for an ABP is deemed to earn income at prescribed rates for the purposes of the income test (even though the member’s account balance has suffered a loss).

Where an ARP was in place prior to 1 January 2015, and thus the pension continues on the member’s death, the more favourable income testing regime for ABPs commenced is grandfathered for the reversionary pensioner.

Eligibility for the Commonwealth Seniors Health Card (‘CSHC’), which allows access to cheaper prescriptions via the pharmaceutical benefits scheme and provides certain other government funded medical services, may also be affected.

Prior to 1 January 2015, ABPs were not assessed for CSHC eligibility. However, since 1 January 2015, earnings on the assets supporting ABPs are assessed under the adjusted taxable income test. The income from the ABP will also be taken to have a deemed rate of return.

Having an ARP in place enables a reversionary pensioner to preserve the potentially favourable ‘grandfathered’ status for Centrelink, DVA and CSHC income testing in respect of ABPs that commenced prior to 1 January 2015. This allows, for instance, a surviving spouse to continue to be paid a pension following the death of their spouse, and therefore, continue the favourable income treatment of a pre-2015 ABP.

$1.6m balance cap

The $1.6 million balance cap proposal included in the May 2016 Federal Budget will limit the amount that a member can hold in retirement or pension phase from 1 July 2017. This will limit or cap the amount that obtains the exempt current pension income (‘ECPI’) exemption from tax in a fund. Broadly, from 1 July 2017 only earnings on assets capped at $1.6 million that support the fund’s liability to pay a pension will be tax-free. The balance cap proposal also allows earnings on the $1.6 million to obtain the ECPI exemption as there are no restrictions proposed to be placed on subsequent earnings on the $1.6 million balance cap amount, which will be allowed to be maintained in the fund.

While the draft legislation for the balance cap proposal has yet to be released (there may also be a chance that the start date of 1 July 2017 gets deferred for the systems to be implemented to cater for the wide spread changes relating to this measure), it does appear that this proposal will significantly impact SMSF succession planning.

This is because a death benefit pension (ie, an ARP on the death of a spouse) paid to a surviving spouse who has already utilised their $1.6 balance cap will likely result in additional tax payable. Additional tax is likely to arise through a requirement that the death benefit be paid as a lump sum on the spouse’s death as the surviving spouse already has used up their balance cap.

Alternatively, assuming the pension can revert under the proposal, then since the surviving spouse has already used up their balance cap, any further amount added to their member balance in superannuation could be subject to substantial tax. The $1.6 million balance cap has an excess balance transfer tax that applies when someone seeks to transfer an amount in excess of their balance cap to their retirement account. This tax is equivalent to 49% of the excess amount. If an ARP locks in a reversion, subject to what the finalised law provides, and an excess pension phase transfer occurs above the balance cap then the excess will be subject to penalty tax of 49%. Naturally, this would have a severe impact on SMSF succession planning for many couples.

If, however, there is no flexibility provided under the proposed legislation in reverting to a spouse who has already used up their balance cap, then this may result in a compulsory cashing event for the deceased spouse requiring a lump sum payment to be made. Since the ECPI will only cover tax on assets up to a maximum of $1.6 million (plus earnings thereon as indexed), then the other assets that need to be liquidated or disposed of may give rise to taxable gains on which tax is payable. Over time, considerable extra revenue is likely to be raised through this measure by the ATO.

Accordingly, members in retirement phase with pension account balances exceeding $1.6 million can no longer rely on ECPI applying to any death benefit pensions paid to them as a surviving spouse or eligible beneficiary. There is likely to be detailed discussion and, hopefully some meaningful consultation, in relation to these concerns before the legislation is finalised.

Accordingly, the $1.6 million balance cap represents a new hidden death tax and it poses a challenge for ARPs as a tax effective SMSF succession planning tool.

However, many people will still probably want to position themselves with an ARP until the uncertainty of how the $1.6 balance cap measure is resolved. If the ARP results in the surviving spouse’s balance cap being exceeded further planning at or before that time may be needed.

Reduced flexibility in relation to in specie transfers

There can also be disadvantages in having an ARP. Having an ARP in place may, for instance, reduce the flexibility in relation to an in specie payment of superannuation death benefits.

The extension of the pension exemption on death for non-ARPs under sub-regs 995‑1.01(3) and (4) of the Income Tax Assessment Regulations 1997 (Cth) provides greater flexibility in relation to payment of assets supporting a pension to a fund member. Broadly, these provisions enable a lump sum death benefit to be paid by way of an in specie transfer of assets and be treated as an income stream payment covered by ECPI subject to the balance cap limit from 1 July 2017.

Note that these regulations do not apply to an ARP. To pay a lump sum by way of an in specie transfer of an asset in the context of an ARP, the ARP must be partially commuted, which can create complications for claiming ECPI (subject also to the balance cap proposal).

SMSF and pension documentation

The above strategies depend on quality SMSF, pension and other documentation. Many SMSF deeds and pension documents may not provide an adequate foundation to implement an ARP consistent with the ATO’s view in TR 2013/5.

Accordingly, advisers should ensure that their clients have appropriate documentation in place to implement their clients’ SMSF succession plans, including a strategic SMSF deed supported also by appropriate pension and BDBN documentation.

Naturally, DBA Lawyers’ SMSF deed and related documents provide for and support smooth and tax-effective SMSF succession planning outcomes.

Conclusion

As can be seen from the above, ARPs are not a ‘one-size-fits-all’ solution for every situation, but they do have a strategic role to play in tax-effective SMSF succession planning.

Advisers should be aware of the benefits and challenges of utilising ARPs, including in the context of insurance, government concessions, and the proposed $1.6 million balance cap.

For more information on ARPs, refer to:

http://www.dbalawyers.com.au/pensions/what-wins-out-an-automatically-reversionary-pension-arp-or-a-binding-death-benefit-nomination-bdbn/

For more information on the $1.6 million balance cap, refer to: http://www.dbalawyers.com.au/announcements/1-6m-balance-cap-examined-tax-death-benefits/

*           *           *

Note: DBA Lawyers hold SMSF CPD training at venues all around. For more details or to register, visit www.dbanetwork.com.au or call 03 9092 9400.

For more information regarding how DBA Lawyers can assist in your SMSF practice, visit www.dbalawyers.com.au.

20 August 2016

Superannuation: Coalition guided by leftie Grattan Institute

20 August 2016

Grace Collier Columnist Melbourne @MsGraceCollier

Sacre bleu! In recent weeks, while defending the government’s superannuation policy in the media, Scott Morrison has morphed from a future prime minister into a dogmatic zealot.

Meanwhile in Canberra an under-the-carpet consultation process has begun. Coalition MPs are being canvassed by the party hierarchy about the superannuation “reforms” in an attempt to gauge the level of support or resistance before the changes are put to the house.

Will MPs vote for the policy or cross the floor and vote against it? The only MP who said he would cross the floor, George Christensen, has been made a whip, so does that mean he has been bought off?

And if the superannuation policy does pass the lower house, will some sage operators in the Senate threaten to block the Australian Building and Construction Commission bill and force the government to change the policy anyway, and thus make a fool of the wimps who voted for it?

These are the important questions of our time.

Typically, among Liberal MPs courage seems to be in short supply. Apart from one exception, who floored me by asking, “Why should we tax people less just because they’re old?”, every MP I spoke with thinks the policy is appalling and must be immediately sunk — by someone else.

Meanwhile, looking on is the base: the Liberal rank and file, the members, the donors and the volunteers. Here is where fury and despair remain widespread. Policymakers needn’t panic, this is not about the desire to avoid tax. Everyone knows half the households in this country are addicted to their welfare — er, “transfer payments” — and someone has to pay for that.

Out there in the real world, among half of us at least, there is acceptance we are compelled to work to fund the necessities of life, such as family tax benefits to the middle class, corporate welfare, politicians’ entitlements, education industry rorts, childcare scams and the installation of squat toilets in the Australian Taxation Offices. The only fly in the ointment is that the Coalition’s superannuation policy is terrible. Labor’s superannuation policy is better.

I am told that before the election, cabinet waved the policy through simply because nobody understood it and time constraints were pressing. Indeed, the policy is complex, contradictory and bizarre.

There is a cap of $1.6 million, yet hardly anyone is allowed to get to that cap unless they inherit wealth or something like that. Most MPs don’t understand their own policy, let alone where it came from — a publicly funded left-wing think tank, the Grattan Institute. Its report Super Tax Targeting is sexist and ageist. It urges the government to take money off “rich old men” who don’t need it and are committing “intergenerational theft” anyway via their superannuation accounts. Further, self-funded retirees should be aware the authors of the report — John Daley, Brendan Coates and Danielle Wood — regard them as greedy pigs.

Look at the report’s cover, pictured below.

grattaninstitutereportimage

Sceptics who doubt the Liberals would be so foolish as to adopt the institute’s leftist agenda should seek out the report on Google and read just the first page.

Back in June, when a public furore broke out about the policy, the institute put out a media release by Daley and Coates. It was titled “Tax-free super is intergenerational theft” and said: “A number of politicians have struggled this week to explain the Turnbull government’s proposed changes to superannuation … this complexity explains why intergenerational ‘theft’ through superannuation has continued for so long. No one has ever explained why we should have an age-based tax system … some of these voters are now objecting vociferously to losing their privileges but they were never justified in the first place.”

I sent off emails asking the Coalition powers-that-be to deny their superannuation policy was based on or informed by the report, and whether they deny meeting the authors. The Treasurer and Revenue and Financial Services Minister Kelly O’Dwyer declined to offer a denial and sent back a statement saying they talked to everyone.

Greedy pigs on the cover of the Grattan Institute report

The Grattan Institute was formed in 2008 and $30 million of taxpayer funds has been given to it.

It is housed in taxpayer-funded accommodation at the University of Melbourne and is crammed to the rafters with ex-Labor staff. All of this, in itself, is not such a bad thing. What is life without diversity? We can’t all be productive members of society. But the problem is that a body such as this shouldn’t be setting Coalition policy.

How on earth did this happen? Who knows, but the PM and his wife are listed on the “Friends of Grattan” web page as individual financial supporters. Further, Lucy Turnbull has been on the board since December 2012. So in the absence of any other rational explanation for the Liberals’ superannuation madness, there is always that.

Load more